EC Proposal for Resolving Northern Ireland Protocol Issues Could Offer Model for Addressing ACP Triangular Supply Chain Concerns

Summary
The EC’s proposals to resolve the problem of the implementation of the Northern Ireland Protocol try to accommodate the operational concerns of Northern Ireland business leaders. However, the proposals leave unresolved the fundamental political objections the UK government has advanced, on the basis of the objections of Ulster Unionists. While this reduces the prospect of an early EU/UK agreement on the basis of the EC proposals, the technical proposal advanced nevertheless could offer a model for addressing ACP triangular supply chain concerns. This would require an elaboration of the current principles and modalities underpinning the EC proposals, in order to address the specific realities faced along ACP triangular supply chains. This will require political lobbying by the concerns ACP governments and in-depth technical work by the concerns ACP exporters associations.

On 13 October 2021, the European Commission (EC) tabled proposals to resolve the impasse around the implementation of the Northern Ireland Protocol. The proposals were tabled following discussions with political leaders, businesses, civil society, and other stakeholders in Northern Ireland. EC Vice-President Maros Šefčovič described the proposals as a ‘genuine response’ to the concerns of Northern Ireland stakeholders. (1).

The proposals seek to differentiate between goods destined to stay in Northern Ireland and those going on to the Republic of Ireland. In regard to sanitary and phytosanitary issues (SPS) the proposals advanced include ‘vastly simplified’ arrangements for phytosanitary certification and ‘a significant reduction (approximately 80%) of official checks for a wide range of retail goods moving from Great Britain to be consumed in Northern Ireland.’ The proposals are held to offer a ‘bespoke solution for Northern Ireland on food, plant and animal health’ (1).

Proposals to Address Current SPS Challenges Around the Implementation of the Northern Ireland Protocol

According to the EC non-paper on SPS issues, EU SPS law is not being correctly applied to the movement of goods from GB to Northern Ireland in line with commitments jointly agreed by the EU and UK under the Northern Ireland Protocol. For the EU ‘Northern Ireland is part of the EU’s SPS area’ and is to be ‘treated as if the UK were a Member State as regards the territory of Northern Ireland.’ In the EC’s view this means SPS goods shipped from Great Britain to Northern Ireland should be subject to the same import controls as imports from any third country, ‘including any mandatory checks’ for full compliance with the relevant EU SPS requirements. The EC see’s the current problems arising from the UK’s unilateral decision to extend the initial grace period on implementation, in the face of infrastructure and staffing constraints in Northern Ireland (2).

While the EC recognises the UK governments concerns over the disproportionately high administrative burden on good moving from GB to Northern Ireland, it fails to recognise the constitutional issues which are at the heart of Ulster Unionist objections to the Northern Ireland protocol. This is based on the view this constitutional issue was addressed through the UK’s signature and ratification of the text of the mutually agreed Protocol on Ireland /Northern Ireland.

Against this background the EC proposals are focussed on ‘addressing identified real supply problems for retail goods’ within the scope of the implementation of the existing Protocol provisions. It ‘would neither abolish certification nor all SPS checks.’ The EC insists ‘bespoke solution must be based on a thorough risk assessment and an analysis of changes that have already happened or are being implemented in supply chains’ (2). It is argued these solutions should involve:

· Simplified sanitary and phytosanitary certification processes and reduced checks
for consignments where the components of the load face the same level of SPS
risk, with high-risk goods being shipped separately and being subject to more
rigorous controls

· A move over to remote checking through the use of electronic trade documentation
systems, thereby reducing the need for physical checks. Significantly, ‘the level of
checks would not be managed at the level of individual traders / consignments /
products but as part of an overall system defining the risk management principles
.’

· For meat products, where EU and UK standards remained aligned a reduction in
standard checks would be possible.

· Products shipped would need to be packed for end consumers and labelled as
solely for distribution in Northern Ireland, with goods destined for EU27 markets
being subject to different arrangements (2).

These arrangements would be subject to ‘reinforced monitoring of supply chains’ (2).

Unfortunately, from an ACP perspective, in the EC non-paper it is explicitly stated these trade facilitating arrangements will only apply to ‘end products produced from primary products originating in UK in accordance with the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement or coming from the EU’ (2)

Proposals were also tabled in regard to the establishment of ‘flexible customs formalities to facilitate the movement of goods from Great Britain to Northern Ireland.’ These it is felt would lead to a 50% reduction in the required paperwork. The specific arrangements agreed would be subject to safeguards, which would ensure the UK authorities provided ‘full and real-time access to IT systems’ established to facilitate trading operations. It would require UK customs and market surveillance authorities to implement ‘appropriate monitoring and enforcement measures.’ It would also include ‘a review and termination clause’ (1).

The proposals also included the establishment of ‘a series of safeguards and increased market surveillance to ensure the goods do not move into the EU’s Single Market.’ This would require the UK government to deliver on its ‘commitment to complete the construction of permanent Border Control Posts, specific packaging and labelling indicating that the goods are for sale only in the UK, and reinforced monitoring of supply chains.’ These safeguards also include the establishment of a ‘rapid reaction mechanism to any identified problem in relation to individual products or traders, and unilateral measures by the EU in case of failure by UK competent authorities or the trader concerned to react to or remedy an identified problem.’ It is felt these arrangements would provide ‘a robust monitoring and enforcement mechanism that would make a significant reduction of checks possible without endangering the integrity of the Single Market’ (1).

EC proposals on Customs Arrangements

In terms of the application of customs tariffs on goods shipped from Great Britain (GB) to Northern Ireland the key concept is ‘not at risk’ goods. This involves goods which are considered as ‘not at risk of being subsequently moved into the Union.’ These products are subject to UK customs duties not EU customs duties. However, goods which are ‘imported for the purpose of manufacturing in Northern Ireland’ are ‘systematically considered as ‘at risk’ goods’ (3).

This being noted there are some ‘flexibilities,’ with ‘small businesses in Northern Ireland … and businesses which process goods for a specific purpose such as the sale of food to end-consumers in Northern Ireland,’ being considered as being carried out as ‘non-commercial processing.’ Equally, for goods brought in from Great Britain, the good is considered ‘not at risk of being moved to the Union if the Union customs duty is equal to zero’ or the product is brought from the rest of the world, in which case ‘the UK tariff applies if the Union tariff is equal to or less than the UK customs tariff’ (3).

There are also additional flexibilities for authorised traders. These authorised traders are considered as importing ‘not at-risk goods’ if they can guarantee that these goods will be sold for end use solely in Northern Ireland. This ‘scheme is available to business established in Northern Ireland and to business which have a fixed place of business there’ (3).

According to the EC ‘the main purpose of this scheme is to reduce the costs of moving goods from Great Britain.’ This means ‘such traders do not need to calculate the Union customs duties which would be payable.’ Their compliance costs are therefore reduced. This arrangement is implemented through the UK Trader Scheme (UKTS) which has been jointly agreed, and through which 3,000 applications have been made and approved (3).

The EC takes the view the existing framework as mutually agreed under the protocol, if fully implemented by the UK authorities, could then be further elaborated to address specific operational challenges now faced. It is felt there is no need to renegotiation or amend the agreed Protocol. It is held the adjustments which can be introduced within the existing framework ‘should reduce formalities, checks and controls at the border for East/West trade without threatening the integrity of the Union’s Single Market and Customs Union’ (3)

However, this is based on the UK authorities taking practical action to ensure:

· EU representatives have full real time access to UK IT systems so as to monitor the
implementation of the agreed trade arrangements.

· Appropriate monitoring and enforcement measures are in place which are sufficient
to generate confidence the integrity of the EU single market and customs union is
bring protected.

· Continued support for measures to assist businesses in utilising agreed flexibilities,
particularly through the existing Trader Support Scheme (3).

However, the EC has made it clear the new arrangements should not disrupt supply chain adjustments which are underway, as a result of Northern Ireland remaining part of the EU customs union and single market, unlike other areas of Great Britain (3).

According to the EC these arrangements taken together ‘will create a type of “Express Lane” for the movement of goods from Great Britain to Northern Ireland, while at the same providing for a robust monitoring and enforcement mechanism in order to protect the integrity of the Single Market’ (1).

The package also includes commitments on ‘enhanced engagement with Northern Ireland Stakeholders and Authorities’ and on ensuring ‘uninterrupted security of supply of medicines from Great Britain to Northern Ireland for the long-term’ (1).

The EC saw its proposals as providing the basis for further discussions with the UK government, leading to a final agreement on the modalities for the implementation of the Northern Ireland Protocol.

The EC’s October proposals were welcomed by Northern Ireland business association, the substance of which was described as ‘beyond expectations of local businesses.’ According to Aodhán Connolly, the director of the Northern Ireland Retail Consortium, ‘the EU had listened to business stakeholder demands and had shifted from its position in the summer when it said the protocol was not negotiable.’ He maintained the EC ‘proposals looked almost like a carbon copy’ of requests made by Northern Ireland business leaders. He maintained the proposals showed the EU had been listening to business leaders (4).

In contrast, the response of the UK government was less enthusiastic, with Lord Frost warning ‘there is a big gap between the EU and UK negotiating position.’ He stressed how both sides needed to recognise ‘fundamental differences remain between their visions for the future.’ Currently, UK government representatives are making a big issue of the ultimate role of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) in regard to overseeing the implementation of the Protocol. The UK government believes a continued role for the ECJ is ‘politically unsustainable’ in Northern Ireland. This is widely being seen a new ‘red line.’ However, this is not a priority for business leaders in Northern Ireland who have to deal with the day-to-day trade challenges generated by the Brexit process (5).

Political commentators meanwhile see the ECJ issue as a political manoeuvre by the UK government to keep tensions with the EU high as a means of distracting from the impending pre-Christmas supply chain crisis (6).

This needs to be seen against the background of the EC proposals for the use of the ‘Swiss Model’ for dealing with the involvement of the ECJ. This would create a multiplicity of layers of dispute resolution which could be used to resolve dispute, before any recourse to the ECJ, with the role of the ECJ being simply advisory in regard to ‘the interpretation of EU law’ in any disputes under discussion within these different dispute settlement processes (5).

Comment and Analysis
The welcome given to the EC proposals by Northern Ireland business leaders is promising. It suggests the EC is in a ‘listening mode’ when it comes to business concerns. This ‘listening mode’ could provide a basis for taking up and addressing the concerns of ACP exporters who ship along triangular supply chains.However, as the EC highlights, the proposed bespoke arrangements for SPS controls on Great Britain (GB) to Northern Ireland trade only apply to ‘end products produced from primary products originating in UK in accordance with the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement or coming from the EU.’ This suggests some political lobbying by individual ACP governments will be needed if bespoke arrangements to address both the tariff and phytosanitary barriers to ACP exports shipped along triangular supply chains are to be set in place.

In this regard the principle used in identifying ‘at risk’ and ‘not at risk’ goods where the UK/EU ‘customs duties is equal to zero’ could usefully be built upon. At the level of customs treatment, emphasis should be placed on recognising the need to systematically treat goods which enjoy duty-free/quota-free access to both the EU and UK markets as goods ‘not at risk’ of undermining the integrity of the EU customs union and single market. This would then lay the basis for ‘re-exports’ across EU/GB borders to take place without further customs controls.

The aim of such bespoke arrangements would be to establish an ‘express lane’ for triangularly traded products where duty-free/quota-free access is enjoyed to both the EU and UK markets and where equivalent sanitary and phytosanitary import controls have been conducted on goods at the initial port of entry (whether in the EU or UK), prior to onward shipment with traditional time frames for such onward freight movements across EU/GB borders.

In this context, where EU and GB phytosanitary import control requirements are the same, and re-exports have been subject to equivalent import controls upon completion of the inter-continental component of the journey, no further phytosanitary import inspections should be required. This would be consistent with UK phytosanitary import control practices since 1 January 2021, an arrangement which has been extended until 1 July 2022 for most of the affected products.

This should be possible since there has been only limited divergence in UK and EU phytosanitary import requirements (e.g., while still required for entry to the EU market phytosanitary certificates are no longer required for citrus fruit, mangoes, guava, kiwi, bitter orange, persimmon, passionfruit, kumquat, curry leaves and cotton bolls for entry to the UK market). Such arrangements for triangularly traded goods would require engagement with private sector bodies and subsequent close monitoring. However, such arrangements could build on existing proposals for trusted trader arrangements and pre-export preparation of trade documentation for ‘groupage’ loads.

Such arrangements would not only minimise additional tariff and phytosanitary inspection costs but would also minimise border clearance delays and establish a basis for restructuring ‘groupage’ loads for re-exports across EU/GB borders. This would then serve to minimise value losses and reduce current road haulage freight cost inflation along triangular supply chains, which has in part been linked to fears of border clearance delays.

Such arrangements would however be likely to increase the trade administration burden, unless simplified systems of verification, were designed and implemented, based on routine trade documentation. The operationalisation of trade administration on a simplified basis will need to be defined on a sector-by-sector basis (or even product-by-product basis), in close association with the affected stakeholders in the ACP, EU and UK

Given the fundamental differences which still exist, most notably in regard to the UK government’s rejection of any role for the European Court of Justice and the UK’s reluctance to allow the building of border control post in Northern Ireland to control GB to Northern Ireland trade in ‘at risk’ goods (which politically explosive in Northern Ireland), it is possible there will be no EU/UK agreement on the basis of the EC proposals.

Nevertheless, there would appear to be scope for elaborating certain elements of the EC proposals in ways which extend the principles and modalities proposed to resolving issues along triangular supply chains.

This process would need to occur on a sector-by-sector basis, with ACP exporters and their EU and UK trade partners needing to take up sector specific challenges, and ensure they are put forward in the appropriate structure for institutional dialogue with the EU and UK respectively (e.g., under the structure of the various EU EPAs or UK Continuity Agreement). However, the initial political lobbying to create the space for such technical solutions could be taken up by the governments of the most seriously affected ACP countries (e.g., in East Africa and the Caribbean).

Sources:
(1) EC, ‘Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland: Commission proposes bespoke arrangements to benefit Northern Ireland’, 13 October 2021
https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_21_5215
(2) EC, ‘Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland: Non-Paper Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) Issues’
https://ec.europa.eu/info/system/files/attachment_ii_sps_non_paper.pdf
(3) EC, Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland: Non-Paper Customs
https://ec.europa.eu/info/system/files/attachment_iii_customs_non-paper.pdf
(4) The Guardian, ‘Northern Irish firms hail EU proposals to resolve Brexit protocol row’, 13 October 2021
https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2021/oct/13/northern-irish-firms-hail-eu-proposals-resolve-brexit-protocol-row
(5) The Guardian, ‘Frost says there is big gap between UK and EU at Northern Ireland Brexit talks’, 15 October 2021
https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2021/oct/15/big-gap-between-uk-and-eu-at-brexit-northern-ireland-talks-says-frost
(6) The Guardian, ‘Facing chaos and needing a scapegoat, the Tories seek an endless fight with Europe’, 17 October 2021
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/oct/17/facing-chaos-and-needing-a-scapegoat-the-tories-seek-endless-fight-with-europe